The African Union Peace and Security Council, meeting on April 22 to discuss the political situation in Somalia, issued a damning, verdict-like statement that further complicates the political crisis in Somalia than bring solutions.
Days earlier, President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo visited Democratic republic of Congo where he met with his Congolese counterpart Felix Tshisekedi, who is also the current chair of the African Union.
This was his first visit abroad since the Parliament passed the country’s electoral law on April 12th that also extended the government mandate by two years, following the Puntland and Jubaland administrations refusal to participate in the September 17th agreement they signed.
Just before the AU PSC meeting, when it became apparent that Djibouti and Kenya were hijacking the discussion, Osman Abokor Dubbe, in his capacity as a Minister of Information, addressed the nation live on national media, warning these two hostile governments against interfering in the decisions of the African Union.
Mr. Dubbe stated that the Government of Somalia warns against foreign interference in the internal affairs of the country and that governments in conflict with Somalia use the African Union Peace and Security Committee to violate the sovereignty and independence of Somalia.
“To our member organizations, foreign diplomats and other Somali diplomatic partners, we make it clear that the Federal Parliament of Somalia is the highest legislative body in the country, and that its rules are the final decision.” of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Somalia, and the Government is the body that enforces these Constitutional rules, ”said the Minister of Information.
The AU’s decision ignored Somalia’s sovereignty and went so far as to condemn the vote of the representatives of the Somali people which annulled the indirect election and paved the way for universal suffrage.
Immediately after the publication of the AU decision, IGAD and European countries that already had their hands in Somalia’s internal affairs issued statements of support for the decision.
The irony in this case, the Farmajo Administration had made disastrous diplomatic mistakes. Somalia sought an AU mediation to move away from the UN Security Council scrutiny, where the UK was the leading the charge against its sovereign interests, but it found himself caught in a trap.
The AU PSC’s decision to Somalia’s request to mediate came as a verdict before they even listen the parties in conflict. They condemn the Somali People’s Assembly for annulling an agreement they previously ratified in September 2020, making other threats and didn’t even acknowledge that Somalia came to them on their free will.
Were Somali officials lured to seek an African mediation in Somali political crisis or is it the result of a faulty diplomacy? Why would they internationalize an internal political disagreement? Didn’t they know those Europeans they were running away were already using African countries to police the continent on their behalf through a myriad of funds (i.e. AMISOM)?
Somalis still believe that international relations is guided by the UN charter principles on sovereignty, friendship and good neighbourly relations.
Have we not learned by now that Western nations preach democracy when it suits them and destroy well-established democratic nations and plant autocrats if their “interests” are threatened?
Moreover, the AU is the headquarters of dictators, presidents for life, fraudulently elected leaders, presidents by inheritance and other leaders disconnected from their people who make democracy a mockery.
For this reason, this organization lacks the necessary tools and credibility when it comes to defusing interstate or internal conflict, or even discussing democratic values. When did the AU single-handedly resolve a conflict in Africa?
What did Farmajo expect from Tshisekedi, a guy who came to power through massive electoral fraud and doesn’t control of his own country, and of whom Uhuru Kenyatta is a longtime friend?
Somalia had seen the true face of Ismail Omar Guelleh when he most recently supported Kenya in Somalia’s complaints about that country’s interference.
It is unfortunate that Somali leaders still see Djibouti as a sister country simply because it is ruled by a Somali. Would they also call the United States a sister country if it were ruled by Ilhan Omar?
Because of this diplomatic amateurism, which does not date from yesterday, Somalia lost its territorial rights and its complaints were rejected each time it relied on the African Union arbitration – the 1964 OAU negotiation on post-colonial African borders in Addis Ababa.
Likewise, Somali diplomats have no teeth in the Arab League, where they are caught up in the whims and internal conflicts of the Gulf states.
Military might is one way to defend the country but it is not the only solution to all our ills. A few months ago, we saw in the Maritime Case at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) that a team of lawyers can also fight for our sovereignty.
It should also be noted that while force or threats of force have a role to play in foreign policy, skillful diplomacy is another way to score goals. That is why, a corps of diplomats skilled in world affairs would defend the interests of the country just as well, if not more.
European or even some African countries have programs or schools which screen and train future state officials. Somalia should do the same but, in the meantime, the government should send selected officials for training abroad or fund international relations programs at local universities.
Until the first contingent takes office, Somali diplomacy will limp and risk making serious mistakes such as tying its fate to ineffective organizations like the African Union or the Arab League.
